The Stupid Empire

As the first leg of the American invasion force rolled through Iraq in 2003, Sergeant Brad Colbert of the 1st Reconnaissance Battalion of the United States Marine Corps leaned out the window of his Humvee and urged the Iraqi people to “vote Republican.” This moment was captured by the embedded reporter, Evan Wright, and made famous in a series of articles that appeared in Rolling Stone magazine and later in the HBO mini-series Generation Kill. (I recommend this series to anyone who wants a realistic view of the early stages of the war in Iraq. It is not for the faint of heart, however. The vulgarity and violence may turn some viewers off, but it also helps explain why people in other parts of the world hate the United States.) Wright later recounted that Colbert was not making a joke; he firmly believed what he was saying. While this surprised Wright, it typifies the “stupid empire” of the Republican Party and progressives in general.

From the war to “end slavery” to the war to “liberate Iraq,” the United States has been waging war for the last one-hundred and fifty years to theoretically bring “liberty and democracy” to “heathen” parts of the world. These are, rhetorically, wars for “humanity’s sake,” but more than anything they bring a perverted form of empire, one in which United States taxpayers are on the hook for trillions of dollars with nothing to show for it except more war, higher taxes, inflation, and resentment from many of the people the military sought to “liberate.” Liberation becomes a relative term, and most of the people “freed” by the United States become dependents of the federal government or are betrayed by the loose promises of “freedom and democracy.”

On 18 December 1865, the Radical Republican Thaddeus Stevens of Pennsylvania made the following remark before the House of Representatives: “The future condition of the conquered power depends on the will of the conqueror. They [the Southern states] must come in as new states or remain as conquered provinces.” In one sentence, Stevens clearly articulated the intent of the Republican Party during the War Between the States. Southerners were a conquered people subject to the will of the Republican Party. Former slaves, the “liberated,” were the pawns by which to keep the South “loyal” to the Union.

It is easy to imagine a Union soldier insisting that Southern blacks “vote Republican,” just as Colbert called on Iraqis to “vote Republican.” And, of course, most freedmen and their descendants did vote Republican until the 1960s. Grant would have been hard pressed to win the 1868 presidential election without them and the concurrent disfranchisement of most “evil” Southern whites through the illegally passed 14th Amendment. The Republican war machine spent four years destroying homes, property, lives, and infrastructure and now planned on rebuilding, or more accurately remaking, the South with the help of the “liberated.” As Radical Republican Lot Morrill of Maine said following the war, “The ballot in the hands of the negro became as much the necessity of reconstruction of the republican States and their restoration as the bayonet in his hands was the necessity of the war.”

Abraham Lincoln made the war a “humanitarian” effort with the pithy though incorrect Gettysburg Address in 1863, but where was the humanitarianism of William T. Sherman’s army as they plundered their way to the sea in 1864 or Philip Sheridan’s army as it commenced with the burning of the Shenandoah Valley in the same year? And how was the Republican Party being “humanitarian” when it used the military to enforce carpetbag rule, higher taxes, and both direct and indirect confiscation of property following the war? It seems the blueprint for the United States Empire was written in the years after the unnecessary carnage of the War Between the States: “liberate” a group of people and make them dependent on your continued rule; disfranchise those who oppose you and destroy their property and culture, but tell the world you are doing this for the good of the “liberated.” The South, personified as the woman in the following political cartoon, could easily be any other culture who has faced the burden of the American empire in the last 150 years.

As the Democrats consistently pointed out during the years following Reconstruction, the Republican Party did not change. Without evil Southerners to fight, the Union army turned its attention to the West, and under the direction of Sherman and Sheridan, the western Indian tribes faced the onslaught of the new American foreign policy of “liberty and equality.” Tribes that supported the Confederacy during the War Between the States felt the hammer of the federal government or were intentionally deceived in order to secure land for the railroads. Others who opposed the “blessings” of the Republican Party and the Union army were often slaughtered. Lincoln, in fact, ordered the largest mass execution in American history. 38 Dakota warriors were executed in 1862 after a Sioux revolt against Minnesota residents who continually breached treaties between the tribes and the federal government. Republican benevolence had limits, particularly in regard to those who could not help the Party win elections.

The frontier was “closed” during the administration of Republican Benjamin Harrison with the land runs in Oklahoma beginning in 1889. Again, the government, under Republican leadership, mainly through the corrupt Radical Republican Henry L. Dawes of Massachusetts, reneged on promises to the Five Civilized Tribes and seized their land through “re-allotment.” The Dawes Act of 1887 divided Oklahoma into small homestead farms, often too small to be productive. Dawes and other Republicans insisted that the re-allotment process would “help” the tribes and provide them with the blessings of liberty and prosperity, but without question, the Act destroyed tribal culture and through corruption and intimidation, most of the tribal members who received land eventually sold it for less than what it was worth or lost it. Dawes had shown a propensity for scheming before—he had been part of the infamous Credit Mobiler Scandal of 1872—and his actions toward tribal lands did him no justice. This should not have been a surprise, however. It was the M.O. for the Republican Party, the same men who pillaged the South following the War in the name of humanity and who ran roughshod over the Constitution during Radical Reconstruction.

The election of Republican William McKinley in 1896 ushered in a new age of American imperialism, but one directly tied to the ideas of Reconstruction. Less than two years after taking office, McKinley asked congress for a declaration of war against Spain. This “Splendid Little War,” known as the Spanish-American War of 1898, netted the United States Cuba, the Philippines, Guam, and Puerto Rico. The United States went to war, in part, to “liberate” the Cubans and the Filipino people from evil Spanish rule. Without question, Cuban revolutionaries fighting for independence from Spain before the war began were harshly treated by the Spanish governor of Cuba, but opponents wondered whether that justified American involvement. And, since the United States occupied Cuba after the war and inserted the infamous Platt Amendment into the Cuban Constitution in 1901, what had Cubans gained by cozying up to the United States? Authored by Connecticut Republican Orville Platt, the Amendment made Cuba a virtual protectorate of the United States, and the big brother to the north could intervene at any time to “save” Cuba from itself.

In the Pacific, the United States became involved in a guerrilla war against Filipino insurrectionary forces after they refused to submit to American rule. Teddy Roosevelt, as Assistant Secretary of the Navy, had instructed Admiral George Dewey to invade the Philippines once war was declared in 1898 (How that related to the poor, downtrodden Cubans no one could answer). Dewey steamed into Manila Bay, defeated a larger Spanish Fleet, and helped protect the American expeditionary force led by Wesley Merritt, a Union War veteran and participant in Sheridan’s burning of the Shenandoah Valley in 1864. The Philippines were placed under an American military governor—at first all Republican Civil War vets starting with Merritt—in an effort to bring the blessing of “liberty” their “little brown brothers,” but not all of them accepted American gestures of “humanity” and “liberty.”

Filipino Emilio Aguinaldo harassed American combat forces for three years. This was the first American Vietnam. William H. Taft was eventually appointed governor of the Philippines by McKinley, and to his credit reluctantly accepted the position because he did not support the acquisition in the first place, but Taft did oversee some of the fiercest combat of the Philippine-American War and ultimately supported American occupation.

Republicans trumpeted American military successes (sound familiar?) and claimed that the war was merited to help the pitiful Cuban and Filipino people. This campaign poster says it all:

By the time Teddy Roosevelt assumed the presidency in 1901, the Republicans had firmly established themselves as the Party of international empire, and no better articulation of this principle can be found than Roosevelt’s 1904 annual address. In this message, Roosevelt rolled out the principles of the Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine: “Any country whose people conduct themselves well can count upon our hearty friendship. If a nation shows that it knows how to act with reasonable efficiency and decency in social and political matters, if it keeps order and pays its obligations, it need fear no interference from the United States. Chronic wrongdoing, or an impotence which results in a general loosening of the ties of civilized society, may in America, as elsewhere, ultimately require intervention by some civilized nation, and in the Western Hemisphere the adherence of the United States to the Monroe Doctrine may force the United States, however reluctantly, in flagrant cases of such wrongdoing or impotence, to the exercise of an international police power.” So, the United States determines good conduct and “decency in social and political matters,” and if you fail, the United States will become an “international police power” to keep you in line. This has since been extended to the globe. Ask the people of the Middle East.

Successive presidents used Roosevelt’s logic to intervene in Latin American affairs, and interventionism found new flavor under Democrats Woodrow Wilson and Franklin Roosevelt. Imperialism was no longer confined to the Republican Party; progressives had co-opted the message and used it to bring “liberty and democracy” to “unenlightened” or “hopeless” people around the globe. Wilson re-organized Europe after World War I (to the detriment of many cultures in Europe), and Roosevelt helped jump start fifty years of American “police power” by involving the United States in World War II, by appeasing Josef Stalin at Yalta and by insisting on a United Nations. This led to the loss of hundreds of thousands of lives during the Cold War.

All of these actions had their roots in the Radical Reconstruction of the South. Republicans conquered and subjugated the South and found new votes in the Freedmen. They extended their “humanitarian” efforts by crushing the Plains Indian tribes and in the process opened thousands of acres for their railroads. The Party brought “liberty” to the Cubans and Filipinos and became the police force of the Western Hemisphere under Teddy Roosevelt. “Vote Republican!” Of course, by World War I, you no longer had to vote Republican; voting for either major party sufficed.

So, why is the United States the “stupid empire?” Simple. Unlike other empires in history, the United States expects the conquered to love the conqueror. The Romans did not expect their conquered subjects to love them. They ruled and the conquered accepted. The Athenians crushed several attempts to jettison their rule during the height of their empire, and the British did not care for the plight of their “subjects.” A subject in each case was part of the best and most fee state in the world. Resistance was preposterous (and deadly). Americans, however, believe that our efforts are the result of a simple dichotomy of good vs. evil. We freed you from evil and “gave” you your country back (conditionally), so love us! Reconstruction is taught that way, so is the American push to “liberate” other parts of the world. Certainly, the hypocrisy of the Spanish-American War and the misfortunes of the Plains Indian tribes have been documented, but no one connects the dots between the Republicans who looted the South during Reconstruction and the Republicans who raided the West, the Pacific, and Latin American during the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth century.

History has been unjustly kind to the conquerors and many mainstream historians have defended the conquering under idiotic moralistic pretenses. Slavery was bad so white Southerners deserved a beating; the railroads and western homesteaders needed property and Indians were vicious, so the tribes (somewhat) deserved a beating; the Spanish brutalized the Cubans and the Filipinos so the Spanish deserved a beating; Saddam was bad so he deserved a beating. Of course, Hitler, Stalin, Saddam, and others were brutal madmen, but it had never been American foreign policy to make “corrections” in the name of “liberty and democracy” until after the War Between the States. Like grizzly bears, the Republicans tasted human blood and had to continue their feeding. It has never stopped. Unfortunately, now voting for either major party perpetuates the “stupid empire.” Love us or die! [But we’ll give you everything back anyway with our strings attached because Americans are the “good guys.”]

National Democratic Party NDP

The following is an article I wrote for www.LewRockwell.com.

9 July 1896. William Jennings Bryan, the young, free-silver proponent from Nebraska had just finished his vitriolic assault on the gold standard at the Democratic Convention in Chicago, Illinois by raising the applause to a fever pitch with the following iconic line: “Having behind us the producing masses of this nation and the world, supported by the commercial interests, the laboring interests, and the toilers everywhere, we will answer their demand for a gold standard by saying to them: You shall not press down upon the brow of labor this crown of thorns, you shall not crucify mankind upon a cross of gold.”

He was carried around the room on the shoulders of the cheering delegates, and two days later accepted the nomination to serve as the presidential candidate for the Democratic Party. But not every Democrat rejoiced. While Bryan’s “Cross of Gold” speech has been labeled one of the most important political statements in American history, many in his own party thought Bryan had subverted “Democratic principles” by playing fast and loose with the facts and by pandering to the masses. A famous political cartoon in Judge Magazine depicted Bryan as a snake swallowing the Democratic Party whole.

In response, several prominent Democrats, including President Grover Cleveland, supported the creation of a splinter party in order to give Democrats an avenue to avoid voting Republican. Led by members from the Cleveland cabinet and the United States Congress, the group met in Indianapolis in September 1896 and selected John M. Palmer, a former Union general and United States Senator from Illinois, as its presidential nominee, and Simon B. Buckner, a former Confederate general and ex-governor of Kentucky, as its vice-presidential candidate. This event is now regarded as little more than a footnote in American political history, but modern Americans, particularly libertarians and paleo-conservatives, should take note of the party, its history, and its platform.

Politics since the 1850s had become a game of sectional division. The Republican Party was based on sectional animosity and when the Democratic Party split in 1860, some Northern Democrats uncomfortable with secession found a home with the Republicans until after the war. The Northern “Peace Democrats” stayed true to the traditional principles of the party: free trade, sound money, limited government, and Constitutional law, but they were outnumbered and marginalized in much of the North by the rabid Republican “reptiles” as one Democrat called them. It seems that those who favor limited government are always pushed to the back burner during times of “crisis.”

Reconstruction altered the American political landscape. Men who considered military Reconstruction an abomination defected in droves to the Democratic Party, and as the South regained its political footing, the Party reclaimed its national flavor. The stolen presidential election of 1876 illustrated that a strong Democratic candidate with national appeal could compete against the Yankee dominated Republican Party. Democrats celebrated victory in 1884 when former New York Governor Grover Cleveland defeated Maine Radical Republican James G. Blaine in a close, mud-slinging contest for president.

Democrats had regained power, but continued success appeared elusive. Cleveland lost in 1888 due to voter fraud but returned to the executive mansion in 1892; however, because of the Panic of 1893, the Party seemed to be losing favor among the American public, particularly in the South and West. Cleveland’s support for a sound money policy that maintained the gold standard and fiscal responsibility produced cracks in the party. Several Democrats began pushing for inflationary bimetallism and the free coinage of silver, and they found support among farmers and debtors theoretically hurt by the deflationary boom of the 1880s and 1890s. Never mind that the Sherman Silver Purchase Act of 1890 – authored by the “Old Icicle,” Republican John Sherman of Ohio, brother of General William T. Sherman – had caused a run on gold and a currency crisis. To them, silver seemed to be the inflationary tonic to their economic troubles. More money in circulation meant a better economy, right? Well, at least it meant potentially more votes.

Of course, the newly created National Democratic Party (NDP) responded with a resolute NO! The executive committee of the NDP published a “Campaign Text-Book” to provide facts and arguments and was “intended for writers – especially for editors; and for speakers – particularly those engaged in debate; and it is put in handy form that it may be carried in the pocket and easily consulted.” This little handbook is a treasure of information and a valuable window into the 1896 campaign and late-nineteenth-century politics.

The NDP emphasized that it was the only national party left. By continuing to insist on a protective tariff and illegal taxation, Republicans could not count on many votes in the South or West, and the Bryan silverites alienated Northern and Eastern sound money proponents. A platform that adhered to the gold standard and limited, Constitutional government would find support among all sections and people. This, coupled with the nomination of a “Union/Confederate” ticket showed that the NDP was willing to put sectional and class division aside for the good of the United States. Too bad not many listened.

The handbook characterized a true Democrat as one who believed “in the ability of every individual, unassisted, if unfettered by law, to achieve his own happiness, and, therefore, that to every citizen there should be secured the right and opportunity peaceably to pursue whatever course of conduct he would, provided such conduct deprived no other individual of the equal freedom of the same right and opportunity.” In short, true Democrats believed in “Individual Liberty” and “disbelieved in the ability of government, through paternal legislation or supervision, to increase the happiness of the nation.” To that end, the party proclaimed it was “opposed to paternalism and all class legislation.” This, of course, is part of the American political tradition, a tradition that has been co-opted by the left in an attempt to portray “equality” and “justice for all” through government aid as the foundation of the United States. The NDP could see the writing on the wall in 1896. Anyone with a brain could. Free silver was just the start.

Buckner connected the dots in his acceptance speech. He insisted “that for every one hundred cents’ worth of work done by the laborer he shall receive one hundred cents” and called for “the commerce of the world shall be brought to our ports in free ships, untaxed for the benefit of any special interest in this country.” Buckner declared that the free-silver platform championed by Bryan and adopted by the Democrats at Chicago was a ruse and a trap. They were not and could not be called traditional Democrats. Rather, they were a ship flying the false colors of Republican “protection and fiatism and Populistic communism, repudiation, and anarchism…” in the hope that they would lull the unsuspecting American public into their clutches and then bury them “in the chasm which they dig for the prosperity of the country.” Gold, fiscal responsibility, and individual liberty were the only hallmarks of good government.

Most Americans forget or were never told that the Republican Party passed the first income tax in American history and that it used “greenbacks” to inflate the money supply during the War for Southern Independence in order to pay for the military conquest of the South. Republicans supported the fusion of government, finance, and industry, i.e. state capitalism, and central banking. The NDP correctly illustrated that the Republican Party was still the party of taxes in 1896. (It still is; they just don’t tell you that.) The Republican candidate for president in that year, William McKinley, authored the bill that provided for the highest protective tariff in American history, the McKinley Tariff of 1890. This taxed imported goods at a rate of forty-six percent, a rate that certainly prohibited free commerce and in part led to the Panic of 1893.

The Republicans did support the gold standard, and they used that to their advantage in 1896 by running with the issue during the election. Many “gold Democrats” supported McKinley because of that one issue in both 1896 and 1900 and only defected in 1904 when Alton Parker was nominated by the Democrats on a sound money platform. The “gold Democrats” were finally smothered by the election of Woodrow Wilson in 1912, the man who at one time backed the NDP only to become one of the most ardent centralizers in American history.

The creation of the NDP was a last gasp effort to save the founding principles of the United States. No major party has adhered to them since. They tallied weak numbers during the 1896 election (less than 1 percent of the total popular vote) and only finished ahead of the Prohibition Party candidate by seven thousand votes. The Party posted fairly good numbers in the Northeast, and in Delaware and Alabama, but not enough to swing any of those states. These small numbers have led to the conclusion that they were irrelevant dinosaurs of the late-nineteenth century. Not so fast.

The NDP proved that there were still men of importance who favored limited government, state’s rights, fiscal responsibility, and the individual, and though few of them voted for the Palmer/Buckner ticket, sound money and limited government remained important political issues until Franklin Roosevelt pulled the United States off a hard money policy in 1934 and usurped legislative powers through the New Deal. Excessive federal spending on both wars and social engineering programs ultimately led the United States to abandon sound money entirely under Richard Nixon. That, as Paul Harvey used to say, is the rest of the story, but it doesn’t have to be.

Americans are beginning to relearn the benefits of a sound money policy, and the principles of the NDP have not disappeared from the American polity. The Party “text-book” could still be used today as a general handbook of limited government and sound money. Most of the book is dedicated to a defense of the gold standard and a “myth busting” attack on free silver proponents and inflationary zealots. In one particularly interesting section, the NDP illustrates how falling agricultural prices had nothing to do with the gold standard and how an inflated money supply would neither raise wholesale prices nor bring prosperity. As production and efficiency increase, prices will naturally decrease relative to the value of the dollar. Inflation would not solve that economic reality. Note the comic flyer inserted as evidence:

As the NDP stated, “What the working man wants is a dollar whose purchasing power either remains unchanged or increases.” Keynesian economics and the FED won’t provide a stable and powerful dollar – 100 cents for every 100 cents of work. Only limited government and gold can do that. Americans may not have the NDP or “gold Democrats,” but we have their handbook, freedom of speech, and the Internet, the only items needed to disseminate the truth. The pendulum may finally be swinging back the other way.